Women’s Representation in the Parliament: From Rhetoric to Reality (1)

The Convention on the Political Rights of Women 1952 is one of the international documents which stand as a universal political statement of women’s political rights.[1] However, women have made little significant progress with respect to their representation in national politics despite the fact that they generally construct half of the population of a nation. The number of women’s representation in the parliament are varying across countries, ranging from 0% in the United Arab Emirates to 43% in Sweden (Paxton and Kunovich: 2003). On average, women composed 14% of national worldwide (January 2002).

The Beijing Declaration 1995, the most updated international law instrument on women’s rights, emphasizes the importance of women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society, including participation in the decision-making process and access to power as a basis for the achievement of equality, development and peace.[1] It also elaborates the prerequisites and necessary conditions to ensure women’s political rights.

The problem of under representation of women in politics leads to the importance of women’s access into the political positions and to ensure that women are not isolated in political life. An affirmative action is needed to balance the level playing field for women in politics which previously have been reserved mostly for men. Nowadays, the quota system is introduced as a fast track, specifically in countries where women only constitute a small minority in parliament. However, the implementation of quota systems also depends on the norms and values embedded within the social, economic and political structures of the society.

The purpose of the essay is to elaborate; (i) the implementation of the quota system in the Parliament; (ii) the constraints faced by women and the strategy that has been used to advocate women’s interests in politics in general, and in the parliament in particular. The paper would explains the WID and GAD as the two mainstream approaches in development policy-making, the introduction and the implementation of the quota systems and the role of women’s movement in creating political space for women by comparing two study cases, the Scandinavian Countries[2] and Indonesia.

The Scandinavia countries are known for their highest number of women’s representation in the world, while Indonesia has just applied the 30% quota in 2004 election for the first time[3] and followed by the promotion of gender-mainstreaming program by the Indonesian Government and the Parliament in 2005. The two case studies show the different process in increasing women’s representation and also different tradition and strategy of women’s movement in advocating their interests in the Parliament. Therefore, it would be interesting to compare those two case studies, between developed and developing countries.

The paper argues that creating a political space in the parliament for women by accelerating the number of women’s representation is necessary but not sufficient. The efforts to have a meaningful women’s participation in politics, should not only focus on the numbers of women’s representation, but also to recognize that there are many factors (i.e. social, economical and ideological factors) that construct the power relations in creating the political space for women in particular. The essay would elaborate the parliament as a gendered institution in identifying the barriers to women’s representation with emphasizing on the ideological factor. Moreover, it also brings the issue of the role of women’s movement in advocating their interests and the importance of having gender perspective in the legislation-making process. Therefore, to ensure that women are not isolated from the political life in the Parliament, is to reconstruct the gendered level playing field, including to have a gender perspective embedded in the system within the Parliament (Nurbayanti: 2004) and to build a strong women’s movement.

1. WID and GAD Approach

Inequality, exclusion and under representation in politics are the main problems faced by women in general. Thus, the main objective of the development programs is to create a political space for women who have been isolated from politics. Hence, the objectives of the development programs have been: to increase women’s representation in terms of to move from political exclusion to inclusion and to empower women in order to achieve gender equality. In order to achieve those objectives, there are two critical approaches to development policy-making from the feminist perspectives, which are the Women in Development (WID) approach and the Gender and Development (GAD) approach.

The WID approach was promoted by the feminist policy entrepreneurs within the development agencies in the early 1970s (Goetz: 1997). It is based on the liberal neo-classic economics and the modernization theory and aims at improving women’s educational and employment opportunities, physical and social welfare and also political representation. Modernization status would reflect through individual choice and achievements where women were not necessarily disadvantaged within this system. The problem was to ensure that benefits of modernization reached women, since these benefits were generated in the modern sector and the cash economy, via the market, the solution laid in improving women’s access to the market and the public sphere (Kabeer: 1994, p. 11-39).

Therefore, the key to WID is integrating women into the system so that they could participate and get the benefits from the development and modernization process. This women-centric approach focuses on women’s access in all public spheres and women’s empowerment, which includes integrating women into the political arena by increasing their representation in the political positions so that they are politically empowered. However, as women became more empowered and had more access into the public sphere, still there have not been significant changes for them. Thus, the slow progress in equalizing power in gender relations has led to the shifting from the WID approach to the GAD approach.

Basically, the GAD approach adds new elements to WID approach, which recognizes the importance of redistributing power in social relations. It criticizes the WID approach for not taken into account the power relations existed in the system which is dominated by the male-norms and gender biases. The playing field itself is not gender neutral. Thus, women would enter into the social, economic and political structures which already maintained and even preserved inequality (Rai: 2002). The key to GAD is challenging the power relation within the system or the society and leveling the playing field by changing institutional rules. In the process, it aims at reconstructing the social relations between men and women and thus, involving not only women, but also men (Goetz: 1997).

According to Pedersen and Webster, political space is linked to democratization and the broad range of structural and institutional reforms. Political space is also being contested and challenged constantly where the social actors would seek to change institutional channels, to modify discourses and to reconstruct social and political practices. Moreover, it demands a focus upon not just the institutional structures in place, but also the possession of political agency with respect to these institutions (Pedersen & Webster: 2002, p. 1-12). Therefore, to open a political space for women is both to have a political will from above and also to articulate the women’s political agency from below. Thus, the introduction of quota systems is considered as an intervention from above (as a form of political will) and also the women’s movement as a form of articulating their political agency, in which both of them are affected by the norms and values embedded in social, economic and political structures of the society. The quota in this essay refers to women’s representation in the Parliament which has the legislative powers and representative features. It is also a forum in which policies and political issues can be openly discussed and scrutinized (Heywood: 2002, p. 313).

2. The Quota System: Necessary but Not Sufficient

There are two tracks to increase women’s representation, which are the incremental track --also known as the Scandinavian model and a quota system as a fast track. The Scandinavian model based on the perception that equal representation may take many decades, but will be achieved in due course as a country develops. Thus, it requires that women have already gained some power or capabilities in order to be able to exercise the political power, once they enter the system (Dahlerup and Freidenvall: 2005, p. 27-29).

Interestingly, the Scandinavian countries do not have constitutional clause or regulation that demands a high representation of women in politics. Instead, it is achieved through the sustained pressure from the women’s groups within the political parties as well as the women’s movement in general. There were also resistances as well as positive responses from the political parties. During the 1970s and 1980s, while most centre and right wing parties considered quota as “un-liberal”, some political parties started to apply quota system. Therefore, quota system in the Scandinavian countries was introduced based on decisions made by the political parties themselves (Doserup: 1998).

However, the Scandinavian model is no longer considered as the best model to increase women’s representation especially in the developing countries. The trend now is to apply the fast track quota system through law (constitution or national legislation) and quotas through political parties. The objective is to constitute at least a “critical minority” of 30 or 40 per cent of women’s representation in the political positions (Dahlerup: 1998. p. 1). It is hoped that it would accelerate the number of women’s representation, for example in Costa Rica, in comparison to what happens in the Scandinavian countries.[4]

However, having legal basis for 30-40% of the seat for women is not enough to ensure women’s representation in the Parliament. According to Dahlerup, there are three conditions for such legal basis which are: (i) a clear regulations; (ii) pressure from women’s organizations and other groups; (iii) sanctions for non-compliance with the quota requirements. Moreover, quota must also be embedded in the selection and the nomination processes from the very start.

The case of Indonesia is an example of vague regulation and lack sanction for non-compliance with the quota requirements. The Law No. 12 Year 2003 regarding the General Election only used the word “can” instead of “to oblige” each political party to have 30% quota for women. Moreover, it does not have sanction for those political parties who do not comply with the 30% quota requirements for women. Hence, according to Commission on General Election in Indonesia, the political parties could comply with 30% quota only in 40 election districts out of 89 (2004). In addition, they usually put the women’s candidates in “the shoes number” or on the bottom of the list of candidates. Considering that Indonesia has the proportional with open list system in which the number on the list becomes very important, thus the women were not in good position to be elected and women candidates were used only for a vote getter.

However, the implementation of the quota does not operate out of the vacuum. In practice, the implementations of the quotas as an affirmative action do not work effectively. It differs from one country to another. Integrating women into politics would not automatically balances the level playing field or brings benefits for women. It also raises question on what are the impacts of the increasing women’s representation to the benefits of women themselves. According to GAD approach, the level-playing is not gender neutral. Women enter into a gendered playing field which embedded in the norms, structures and practices of institutions and already preserved gender inequality. Therefore, it is important to analyze the Parliament itself as a gendered institution in order to identify what are the factors which constraint women’s participation in politics.

Three explanations for differences in women’s political representation in national legislature (Kenworthy & Malami 1999; Paxton 1997; Reynolds 1999 as cited in Paxton and Kunovich: 2003) are social-structural, political and ideological. Social-structural explanation focus on the pool of available women, related to human resources, intra-relationship within households and organization of civil society. Political explanation focuses on the openness of the political system to women, related to the political institutions and leadership support. Ideological explanation focuses on general impressions of women in politics and how viable women are as candidates and leaders. This essay argues that the ideological factor plays an important role which has impacts to other factors. Therefore, for the purpose of the essay, the discussion would focuses on the importance of ideological factor and its impacts to other factors.

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[1] Article 13 of Beijing Declaration, 1995.

[2] The Scandinavian Countries in general would be used related to the quota system, while in the analysis of the parliament as a battle field, the essay would using Norway as a comparative study case.

[3] Between 2002-2003, Indonesian have a major change in its political system through the enactment of Law No. 31 Year 2002 regarding the Political Parties, Law No. 12 Year 2003 regarding the General Election (DPR, DPD and DPRD), Law No. 22 Year 2003 regarding structure and organization of MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, Law No 23 Year 2003 regarding The President and Vice Presidents Election and, Law No 32 Year 2004 regarding Local Governments.

[4] In Costa Rica, the women’s representation in parliament jumped overnight from 19 to 35 per cent (2002), while in Scandinavian countries would take longer, for example it took sixty years for Denmark, Norway and Sweden to cross the 20% and seventy years to reach 30%.

Women’s Representation in the Parliament: From Rhetoric to Reality (2)

3. The Parliament as a Battle Field

The integration of women into politics, particularly in the Parliament could be in two forms, which are women as a Member of Parliaments (MPs) or legislators and women as the stakeholders whose needs and interest must be taken into account in the policy-making. The quota plays a significant role in increasing the numbers of women MPs. However, the Parliament is a gendered institution which based on the male norms and already preserved inequality and thus, would not increase both the quantity and the quality of women’s representation. Women’s movement could fill in the gap in order to advocate women’s interest in the parliament. However, parliament is not homogenous. It consists of different groups with different platform and ideologies and different interests, including the women themselves, both among the women’s MPs and the women’s movements.

a. Parliament as a Gendered Institution: The Importance of Ideological Factor

According to Scott, gender operates in four levels, which are the symbolic level, the ideologies or norms, the institutions and the subjective identities (Zarkov: lectures notes, 2005). The ideological factors are based on the norms and values about women’s role which could enhance or constrain women’s participation in politics. It is originated in the notions of men and women. Men are considered as having capacity to reason, to govern and to moral judgment; while on the contrary, women are considered as not having such capacities. It is also supported by traditional and religious norms and values. It constructs the relationships between men and women (within and beyond households) which are reflected on the division between “public” and “domestic” or “private”; between ‘productive’ and ‘unproductive’ economy. Moreover, all institutions beyond the household or domestic sphere are gendered to the degree that they are located in a ‘public’ and ‘productive’ economy (Goetz: 1997).

These male-norms also embedded in the notions of “power”, “decision-making” and even “politicians” that have been socially constructed as the men’s territories. Men are considered better equipped than women to exercise power in the public domain and male candidates still perceived as stronger candidates than the females (Basu: 2005, p. 2). Men perceive power as capacity to control and dominate. These norms are also institutionalized within structures and practices of organizations as well as in the society. Hence, institutions[1] produce gender differences through their structures and their everyday practices. Therefore, women were excluded from any public activities, including in decision-making process and any other political activities. Not having any political capacities, women became politically powerless, while the men became politically powerful.

In additional, the parliament has a long history as a political institution which previously dominated by men.[2] It is important to look at how the parliament is being historically shaped, for example in the Indonesian case, which throughout its independent history, parliament has not been genuinely representative and heavily male dominated and often indifferent to the priority concerns of women (Bessell: 2004, p. 5). Indonesian women have been politically active[3] before its independence, but have not translated into parliamentary presentation, even after 9 general elections. In 1998, after the fall of Soeharto’s regime which marked the beginning, women’s representation in Indonesian Parliament was still low.[4]

The causes for women’s under representation in the Indonesian Parliament are the new order’s ideology, religion and prevailing stereotypes and ideology (Bessell: 2004, p. 6-11). New order ideology has been developed and reinforced over more three decades and remain highly influential in shaping social and political relations in Indonesia. The Indonesian state has been highly gendered in which the construction of “ideal types” was central to their ideology and control, including the notion of ideal type of women (ibid).

Women were given specific roles and attributes. The notion of womanhood was centred on their ideal roles as a “good wife and mother”. It was symbolized by the image of the domesticated women which is supported by the traditional and religious values.[5] On the other hand, the notion of men as the head of the family and image of Soeharto as the father of the nation portrayed a strong paternalist culture within the concept of azas kekeluargaan (the family principle) as the foundation of the nation (Suryakusuma: 1996 as cited in Bessell: ibid). It constructed the social structure which was utilized politically by the state, for example to control the civil servants with their families.[6] Therefore, the “ideal” women could not enter the masculine world of politics, parliament and formal decision-making (ibid).

During new order, political positions for women were not based on the meritocracy system. They were given to the relatives or cronies of Soeharto. In addition, the division of labor within the parliament was also gendered where women usually to be placed at the commissions who handled “soft” issues (i.e education, culture, social, etc).

After the major changes in Indonesian political system in 2002-2003, the women’s representation in the Parliament did not showed significant changes. General election in 2004 showed that women’s representation in the parliament at national level 11% (DPR) and 21% (DPD) and at local level 9% (provinces) and 5% (city). The women’s representation in Indonesia is still at the 89^th rank (out of 186 countries) world wide, lower than Afghanistan which is in 24^th rank (IPU: 2004).

The causes are relatively the same since the patriarchal ideology that shaped the society, including the parliament and the political parties has not changed (Parawansa: 2002). Moreover, the women’s movement did not play a significant change until 1999. Although they were succeeded in imposing 30% quota in the legislation, there was a loophole which made the quota system could not applied effectively.

On the other hand, the Scandinavian countries, specifically in Norway, had the same experiences. However, due to the long tradition of women’s movement in giving public pressures to the Parliament to change throughout years had finally made changes in increasing women’s representation in the parliament and incorporating a feminist agenda into the platforms of several political parties, as well as affecting some major legislation (Bystydzienski: 1997, p. 12-13).

b. Advocating Women’s Voices in the Parliament: The Role of Women’s Movement

Integrating women into the parliament is through increasing the number of women’s MPs (as legislators) and through the women’s movements (as stakeholders or citizens). The women’s movements could give pressures to enforce the quota system and to advocate their interests in the Parliament. Both in Norway and Indonesia, women’s movements were involved in giving pressures for the implementation of the quota system; also advocating and empowering women to enter the Parliament. Moreover, women’s participation starts at the earlier phase of decision-making in the Parliament, which is the agenda-building or agenda-setting (Sinkkonen and Mannila: 1981, p.195), for example in Indonesia, through the setting-up of Prolegnas[1] 2005-2006 where the Parliament was promoting a gender-mainstreaming in their legislation agendas for the first time.

However, the parliament consists of many interest groups which sometimes conflicting to each other. Moreover, ‘women’ is not a homogenous group. Differences may occur between women groups. Again, ideological factor plays an important role in the way the women’s MPs and the women’s movement approach the women issues. For example, in Indonesia, feminist’s movements were conflicting with conservative religious parties over the enactment of Law No. 23/2004 on violence against women. In their opinion, such law would increase the number of divorces and would undermine and endangered the marriage as a basic institution which founded the society.

The conflicts are now increasing over the seven bills that have been prioritized for 2005, which are bills on: the anti-pornography, the amendment of marriage law, the witness protection, the citizenship, criminal code, criminal procedures code, and health. The debates on the anti-pornography bill create conflicts between two alliances. The first one is the alliance among the conservative religious groups. The second one is the alliances between the feminist groups, the media groups, the artists, and the progressive religious groups. Moreover, the religious groups even challenged the notion of gender equality which is considered as a “western” norm and against the Islamic values.

In addition, there was also a conflict over the substance of the amendment of Indonesian marriage law among the women’s organization within the JKP3 (Jaringan Kerja Prolegnas Pro-Perempuan, or women’s network for gender mainstreaming in the legislations) particularly on the issue of poligamy.[7]

On the other hand, Norway had different experience. Norway had a long tradition of well-organized women’s movement for gender equality. The key to the success of their struggle was building a strong coalition between two groups of major significance within the women’s movement: women representing traditional women’s organization, the establishment women and the new feminists (Bystydzienski: 1992. Despite ideological and structural differences, the two quickly found many issues they could agree on (i.e abortion, equal pay, treatment for rape victims and pornography) and developed a mutually supportive relationship.

4. Women’s Representation in the Parliament: From Rhetoric to Reality

The struggle for women’s representation in the Parliament still continues. In Indonesia, the struggle has just started. The objective is to create a gender-sensitive environment that enables women to create political spaces and exercise power in politics. The recent conditions in Indonesia (and any other developing countries) show the need for capacity building programs. According to Grindle, capacity building is the degree to which individuals, groups, organizations and societies are able to perform functions, solve problems and set and achieve objectives in a sustainable manner (Lusthaus, Adrien and Perstinger: 1999). It is broader than human resource development and organizational development as it includes an emphasis on the overall system, environment or context in which individuals & organizations operate and interact. Thus, the scope of the capacity building is:

Balancing the level playing field could start with reconstructing the norms and values which shaped the political institutions by bringing the women’s cultures, values and experiences. Women’s culture places value on cooperation, interdependence, caring and expressive. Thus, it could transform the hierarchal structure of political institutions so it is more responsive to human needs, flexible, democratic and personal (As, 1975; Laferty, 1981; as cited in Bystydzienski, 1992 : 14-15). It also could transform the daily practices of the organization, for example, in Norway, there was a campaign in 1980s initiated by the women’s movement toward creating a six-hour workday. They argued that the shorter workday will allow both men and women to have more time for family, community and leisure and that it would be favorable to women by freeing men to do their share of household and childrearing tasks (Forde and Hernes, 1988 as cited in Bystydzienski: 1992).

At the level of legal and institutional framework, there should be a clear regulation with imposing non-compliance sanctions of the implementation of quota system. Moreover, the organizational development is to ensure women’s access to politics in all institutions. Secondly, there should be an education programs for women, such as proper political education for women including gender training for women and men.

In addition, gender perspective should be embedded within the Parliament system by bringing the gender perspective into the policy or legislation-making (i.e in legislative drafting methodology) in the Parliament. The cost benefits and the impacts of bills and regulation on women should be taken into account in the legislation-making, particularly the impact of criminalization over women as reflected in many bills submitted to the Indonesian Parliament (i.e the anti-pornography bill).

Last but not the least is the involving of men in the process. Using the GAD approach, bringing in the women should be followed by bringing in the men, as changing power relation would requires men to change too. The social reconstruction of “man-woman” or “masculinity-feminity” are very related to each other. Changing the notion of woman would impacts the notion of men as well. Moreover, in the process, social reconstruction of men-women relations could benefit women as well as men, as Cornwall and White (Cornwall and White: 2000, p.3) put it:

“Women can gain as much as men from the active involvement of men in GAD. Recognizing both the power and vulnerability involved in the subject positions men take up and the variant gendered identities available to men is a step towards beginning to address issues such as male violence that are direct to women. Opening up safe spaces for men to express their emotions and explore the contradictions they inhabit may help break the silence that serves to shore up particular idealized masculinities that are detrimental to women, as well as to many men.”

5. Conclusion

Firstly, ideological factor is the most important factor which constraints women’s representation in the parliament. It constructs the power relations in creating the political space for women and have impacts to other factors such as social, economic and political factors) in implementing the quota system for women and integrating women into politics. Secondly, the parliament is as a gendered institution in which the norms and values are embedded from its hierarchal structures to everyday practices. Thirdly, to ensure that women are not isolated from the political life in the Parliament, is to reconstruct the gendered level playing field, including to have a gender perspective embedded in the system within the Parliament, to build a strong women’s movement and to have a comprehensive capacity building.

References

Basu, Amrita. Women, Political Parties and Social Movements in South Asia. Occasional Paper 5. UNRISD: 2005.

Bessel, Sharon. Women in Parliament in Indonesia: Denied a Share of Power. Australia: Asia Pacific School of Economics and Government, 2004.

Bystydzienski, Jill M. Ed. Influence of Women’s Culture on Public Politics in Norway in Women Transforming Politics: Worldwide Strategies for Empowerment. USA: Indiana University Press, 1992.

Cornwall, Andrea and Sarah C. White. Men, Masculinities and Development. Politics, Policies and Practice. IDS Bulletin Vol. 31 No. 2, 2000.

Dahlerup, Drude and Lenita Freidenvall. Quota as a ‘Fast Track’ to Equal Representation for Women: Why Scandinavia is No Longer The Model. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 7:1 March 2005, pp. 26-48.

Dahlerup, Drude. Using Quota’s to Increase Women’s Political Representation in Women in Parliament beyond Numbers. IDEA: Stockholm, 2002.

Goetz, Anne Marie. Getting Institutions Right for Women in Development. London: Zen Books, 1997.

Heywood, Andrew. Politics. Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

Kabeer, Naila. Treating Cancer with a Bandaid? The Theoretical Underpinning of WID in Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought, (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 11-39.

Nurbayanti, Herni Sri. Menanti Parlemen yang Peka terhadap Kepentingan Perempuan. Ulasan Mingguan Oktober 2004 Minggu Pertama. It is excerpted from www.parlemen.net.

Nurbayanti, Herni Sri. Mendorong Lahirnya Undang-undang Pro-Perempuan. Ulasan Mingguan Mei 2005 Minggu Ketiga. It is excerpted from www.parlemen.net.

Parawansa, Khofifah Indar. Hambatan terhadap Partisipasi Politik Perempuan di Indonesia: Studi Kasus. IDEA: Jakarta, No year.

Paxton, Pamela and Sheri Kunovich. Women’s Political Representation: The Importance of Ideology. Social Forces. The University of North California Press: September 2003, 82(1): 87-114.

Rai, Shirin Gender and Development: Theoretical Perspective in Context in Gender and the Political Economy of Development, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002.

Sinkkonen, Sirkka and Elina Haaio-Mannila. The Impact of the Women’s Movement and Legislative Activity of Women MPs on Social Development in Women, Power and Political System. Margherita Rendel, ed. London: Coom Helm, 1981.

Soetjipto, Ani Widyani. Politik Perempuan Bukan Gerhana: Esai-Esai Pilihan. Jakarta: Penerbit Kompas, 2005.

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[1] According to North, institutions are best understood as frameworks for socially constructed rules and norms which function to limit choice. They are humanly devised constraints (North: 1990, p. 3 as cited in Goetz: 1997) which reduce uncertainty and provide structure to everyday life, making certain forms of behaviour predictable and routine, institutionalizing them.

[2] The exclusion of women in politics had started since the early periods of the history of democracy itself, for example, when Aristoteles stressed the importance of the citizen’s political rights, he referred to men, particularly the white men and excluded the white women and also the black people. Thus, it placed the white men in the top ranking, followed by the white women and black men and black women at the very bottom.

[3] The women’s movement grew since the late colonial period. Women’s issues were integrated along with the nationalist aspirations, focusing on education for girls, child marriage and polygamy. The first women’s congress was held in 1928 and the first Federation of Indonesian Women’s Association was established. Indonesian women were politically active, but they did not have a proper representation in the politics. During the New Order Regime, women’s participation limited to the Soeharto’s “family” or “friends” and thus, the position in politics for women was considered as a “gift” rather than based on the meritocracy system. During the reformation, the women’s movements became more active in politics.

[4] After the first general election in 1955, women constitute 6.5% in the Parliament. During Soeharto’s regime, the highest number is 13% (1987).

[5] For example, the influence of patriarchal Hindu ideology is reflected on the verse of the Ramayana, “when women are independent it will bring curses” and traditional proverbs “swargo nunut, nerako katut” (to heaven by your leave; to hell by your command), while the patriarchal Islamic ideology embedded in the conservative Islamic groups promotes polygamy as one of the implementation of Allah’s rule that should be followed by men and women.

[6] The civil servants must choose Golongan Karya (Golkar), the dominant political parties controlled by the government. Usually, the husband would join Korpri, a civil service organization and their wives were required to join Dharma Wanita, the association of wives of civil servants.

[7] Kompas, 15 May 2005. Url: http://www.kompas.com. One of the women organizations involved in JKP3 had different ideas on polygamy with other members of JKP3. In a hearing forum in the Parliament, some male MPs threw out a misogyny jokes as their response and was protested by some women’s MPs. Kompas, the biggest and most influential newspaper in Indonesia, put the news in its front page, showing that event as one of the embarrass moment in the Parliament.

Mendorong Lahirnya Undang-Undang Pro-Perempuan

Ulasan Mingguan Mei 2005 Minggu Ketiga

Oleh: Herni Sri Nurbayanti

"Ketika kita bicara mengenai perempuan selalu jadi bahan tertawaan. Kenapa ketika membicarakan mengenai perempuan tidak seperti membicarakan masalah lain. Kalau ada yang salah kita koreksi, tetapi jangan menjadi obyek tertawaan." (Hj Azlaini Agus, S.H., pada sesi tanya jawab RDPU KOWANI, APAB dan Koalisi Perlindungan dengan Baleg DPR RI, Kompas, 16 Mei 2005)

Lelucon Misoginis

Pada 15 Mei lalu, Korps Wanita Indonesia (KOWANI), Aliansi Pelangi Antar Bangsa (APAB), dan Koalisi Perlindungan Saksi (KPS) hadir dalam forum Rapat Dengar Pendapat Umum (RDPU) dengan Badan Legislasi DPR (Baleg DPR). Ketiga lembaga itu mempresentasikan usulan Amandemen Undang-Undang (UU) Perkawinan (KOWANI), RUU Perlindungan Saksi serta rancangan amandemen UU Nomor 62 Tahun 1958 tentang Kewarganegaraan. Namun dalam kesempatan tersebut, beberapa anggota Baleg yang hadir sempat menertawakan konsep usulan Amandemen UU Perkawinan yang disampaikan oleh KOWANI. Selain itu, beberapa komentar "bercanda" bernada mengejek juga kerap dilontarkan. Salah satunya adalah "Kami menurut saja, kalau perlu kami ‘dipotong’ saja" (Kompas, 16 Mei 2005). Sikap menertawakan serta komentar-komentar mengejek ini yang kemudian memunculkan sikap protes dari salah satu anggota legislatif seperti yang dikutip di atas.

Perempuan memiliki hak setara dalam segala bidang sosial, termasuk ranah politik. Hal ini diwujudkan antara lain dengan pemenuhan hak-hak politik perempuan, pembukaan akses bagi perempuan di bidang politik serta perhatian terhadap kepentingan perempuan di parlemen. Banyak hal yang telah dilakukan, meski pada prakteknya masih memiliki kelemahan. Pengakuan terhadap hak pilih bagi perempuan, penetapan kuota 30% bagi perempuan di parlemen, serta pembukaan akses politik perempuan di tingkat partai politik adalah bagian dari upaya-upaya tersebut.

Upaya lain yang perlu diperhatikan adalah, perempuan (dan anak) sebagai bagian dari kepentingan yang perlu diperhatikan dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan. Bagaimana kepentingan perempuan (dan anak), sebagai kaum rentan, diperhatikan dalam pengambilan kebijakan termasuk dalam proses pembuatan peraturan perundang-undangan. Populasi perempuan yang besar dan menjadikannya sebagai stakeholder/kelompok kepentingan yang perlu diperhatikan pengambil kebijakan termasuk di parlemen.

Dengan demikian perjuangan kepentingan perempuan di parlemen bukan dominasi dari para anggota legislatif atau kaum perempuan secara umum saja. Bagaimana parlemen memiliki perspektif perempuan dalam merancang, menilai dan membahas peraturan perundang-undangan. Sikap menertawakan serta ejekan dalam nada "bercanda" dalam forum RDPU jelas tidak menunjukkan keseriusan anggota DPR dalam memperhatikan kepentingan perempuan. Kondisi ini yang menunjukkan gejala tidak berubahnya sikap anggota DPR terhadap persoalan perempuan. Suatu kondisi yang memprihatinkan, mengingat sikap tersebut ditunjukkan oleh anggota DPR hasil pemilihan umum tahun 2004, yang sekitar 70% di antaranya merupakan "wajah baru" sehingga ada harapan akan perubahan cara pandang.

Kepentingan Perempuan dalam Prolegnas 2005-2009

Masih terdapat peraturan perundang-undangan yang diskriminatif, bias gender, dan kurang responsif terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia terutama hak-hak kelompok yang lemah dan marginal (Program Legislasi Nasional 2005-2009) menunjukkan belum seriusnya DPR dalam memperhatikan kepentingan perempuan dan anak. Realisasi komitmen sangat jauh dari perencanaan. Kondisi inilah yang melatarbelakangi terbentuknya Jaringan Kerja (Jaker) Prolegnas Pro Perempuan. Jaringan ini terdiri dari Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM) dan organisasi masyarakat lainnya yang memiliki rasa keprihatinan terhadap perjuangan kepentingan perempuan di parlemen.

Tujuan dibentuknya Jaringan Kerja Prolegnas Pro Perempuan ini adalah untuk memastikan pengarusutamaan jender tidak dimarjinalkan dalam filosofi penyusunan peraturan perundang-undangan, yaitu agar pembahasan menyangkut kepentingan perempuan segera dibahas dan disahkan oleh DPR. Sebagai tahap awal, ada tujuh RUU yang selayaknya menjadi perhatian DPR dalam jangka pendek, yaitu:

1. RUU Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang

Belum ada aturan khusus mengenai tindak pidana perdagangan orang. Aturan yang ada tidak efektif dalam menjerat pelaku perdagangan orang. Kebutuhan akan peraturan mengenai hal ini semakin mendesak mengingat jumlah korban, terutama perempuan dan anak, yang diperdagangkan semakin bertambah dan modusnya pun semakin beragam. Peningkatan kasus tersebut semakin tajam setelah krisis ekonomi dan dalam berbagai wilayah di Indonesia yang terkena bencana alam.

2. RUU Pornografi dan Pornoaksi

Pornografi dalam perspektif kepentingan perempuan harus dilihat sebagai isu kekerasan. Kebutuhan akan aturan mengenai pornografi sangat signifikan berkaitan dengan kasus-kasus kekerasan yang terjadi akibat akses yang sangat terbuka bagi produk pornografi, terutama bagi anak-anak, serta produk-produk pornografi yang mengandung unsur kekerasan dan perendahan martabat perempuan. Dampaknya, munculnya kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan dan anak seperti penyerangan seksual, pelecehan seksual dan perkosaan. Selain itu, permasalahan pornografi juga perlu dilihat dari segi kepentingan bisnis para produsen dan distributor produk pornografi. Perempuan dan anak-anak yang terlibat dalam pornografi harus ditempatkan sebagai korban, dan bukannya pelaku yang dikriminalisasi. Hak-hak mereka perlu dilindungi sesuai dengan Konvensi Internasional mengenai Penghapusan Perdagangan Orang dan Eksploitasi Pelacuran.

3. RUU Perlindungan Saksi

Belum ada aturan khusus mengenai perlindungan saksi, termasuk perempuan dan anak yang menjadi saksi korban. Mereka merupakan target kekerasan atau balas dendam dari si pelaku. Perlindungan tersebut diantaranya adalah memperoleh bantuan hukum secara cuma-cuma, ruang tunggu khusus dan hak khusus bersaksi lewat teleconference karena kondisinya yang tidak mampu bersaksi di Pengadilan. Akibat dari ketiadaan aturan mengenai ini, seringkali kasus kekerasan terhadap perempuan dan anak tidak dapat diproses secara tuntas.

4. Amandemen UU Kesehatan

UU Kesehatan No. 23 Tahun 1992 belum mengatur pelayanan kesehatan reproduksi perempuan dan perlindungan terhadap hak reproduksi perempuan. Hal ini berdampak bagi rasio kematian ibu yang masih besar. Perundang-undangan yang ada juga belum melindungi hak reproduksi perempuan, misalnya perempuan yang menderita HIV/AIDS karena tertular dari suami/pasangannya.

5. Amandemen UU Perkawinan

Beberapa permasalahan dalam UU Perkawinan No. 1 Tahun 1974:

• Melegitimasi subordinasi suami terhadap istri. Tidak ada pengakuan terhadap fakta dalam masyarakat yaitu terhadap para istri yang secara nyata menjalankan peran sebagai kepala rumah tangga. Dampaknya, pembatasan peluang perempuan terhadap akses sumber daya ekonomi dan sosial. Subordinasi ini juga mempersulit posisi istri untuk keluar dari lingkaran kekerasan dalam rumah tangga.
• Memberikan batas usia nikah bagi perempuan yang terlalu dini, yaitu 16 tahun. Ini menjadi salah satu penyebab tingkat kematian ibu karena berdampak pada kesehatan ibu dan bayi.
• Masih mengakui hak istimewa suami untuk menikahi lebih dari satu perempuan, di mana alasan-alasan yang mendasarinya justru merupakan bentuk penelantaran terhadap istri (yang sakit berat atau tidak mampu memberikan keturunan). Ini juga menjadi salah satu penyebab munculnya kekerasan dalam rumah tangga terhadap istri dan anak-anak.
• Hanya mengakui hubungan keperdataan anak yang lahir di luar perkawinan dengan pihak ibu saja, tidak dengan pihak ayah. Akibatnya, hak anak untuk memperoleh pengasuhan dari kedua orangtuanya dan dalam memperoleh warisan serta akta kelahiran tidak terpenuhi.
• Tidak mengatur secara tegas kewajiban suami atau pihak pengadilan untuk memberikan nafkah bagi istri dan anak-anak setelah perceraian.
• Hanya mengatur pencatatan perkawinan untuk perkawinan dalam agama yang diakui resmi oleh negara. Akibatnya, posisi istri dan anak menjadi lemah di depan hukum, misalnya istri dan anak tidak berhak atas nafkah dan waris setelah putusnya perkawinan karena ketiadaan akta nikah.

6. Rancangan Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP)

Substansi KUHP yang berlaku saat ini masih terlalu umum. Belum mengatur aspek pidana, hukum acara, pencegahan, perlindungan serta kompensasi korban yang secara spesifik berlaku terhadap kasus-kasus kekerasan terhadap perempuan dan anak. Selain itu, mereduksi masalah kekerasan terhadap perempuan sebatas persoalan kesusilaan, sehingga tidak mencakup semua bentuk kekerasan yang dialami perempuan.

7. RUU Kewarganegaraan dan RUU Keimigrasian

Aturan mengenai kewarganegaraan dan keimigrasian yang ada belum memenuhi hak-hak perempuan dan anak, terutama pada perkawinan yang dilakukan antara laki-laki dan perempuan yang memiliki kewarganegaraan yang berbeda. Aturan yang ada masih mendiskriminasikan hak-hak perempuan dan anak hasil perkawinan antar bangsa untuk memperoleh kewarganegaraan dan hak untuk berkumpul sebagai keluarga, misalnya hanya pihak bapak yang melakukan penentuan kewarganegaran anak, istri/ibu WNA harus disponsori oleh suaminya agar memperoleh izin tinggal yang harus diperpanjang setiap tahun dan bila disponsori oleh suaminya ia tidak boleh bekerja, dll.

Tulisan ini diharapkan dapat mengingatkan kembali perlunya perhatian terhadap kepentingan perempuan dan anak di parlemen terutama bagi para anggota legislatif dan eksekutif yang terlibat dalam proses pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan (HSN/ES/BS)

Menanti Parlemen Yang Peka terhadap Kepentingan Perempuan

Ulasan Mingguan Oktober 2004 Minggu Pertama

Oleh: Herni Sri Nurbayanti

Persoalan-persoalan TKI, kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan dan anak, kesehatan reproduksi, kesejahteraan keluarga, seperti kesehatan dan pendidikan yang menjadi persoalan serius di Indonesia mustahil bisa diselesaikan tanpa ada perubahan paradigma baru dalam kebijakan yang responsif terhadap kebutuhan perempuan.

(Ani Soetjipto, Divisi Perempuan dan Pemilu CETRO).

Indonesia terisi oleh 57% perempuan. Jumlah yang lebih dari separuh populasi menjadikan perempuan sebagai stakeholders yang perlu diperhatikan kepentingannya, terutama dalam proses pembentukan kebijakan publik. Salah satunya adalah dalam proses legislasi.

Berbicara kepentingan perempuan dalam proses legislasi setidaknya menyangkut dua hal. Pertama, adanya produk legislasi yang memperhatikan kepentingan kaum rentan termasuk di dalamnya perempuan dan anak. Kedua, partisipasi perempuan dalam proses legislasi. Keduanya saling berkaitan dan mempengaruhi satu sama lain.

Pada kenyataannya, kepentingan perempuan sering diabaikan dengan dasar argumentasi yang kerap tidak masuk akal. Sebagai contoh, pada pembahasan Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) Anti Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga (KDRT), persoalan KDRT dianggap sebagai perselisihan biasa dan bukan bentuk tindak kekerasan yang faktanya telah menimpa ribuan perempuan di Indonesia. Salah satu anggota Panitia Khusus (Pansus) yang membahas RUU ini menyatakan, jika ada orang lain yang mencampuri urusan rumah tangganya –bahkan bila ia sedang melakukan kekerasan terhadap istrinya- ia akan membunuh orang yang mencampuri "urusan"nya tersebut.

Sebagian anggota Pansus lainnya kuatir keberadaan undang-undang ini merupakan alat untuk mengajukan laki-laki ke pengadilan dan justru membawa dampak banyaknya perceraian serta bertentangan dengan semangat menyatukan keluarga yang diusung oleh Undang-Undang (UU) Perkawinan.

Meskipun akhirnya undang-undang ini disetujui, namun kekuatiran ini masih terlihat dalam pidato pandangan fraksi-fraksi pada sidang paripurna DPR 14 September 2004 yang lalu. Sikap dan pandangan tersebut tidak saja dilontarkan oleh anggota legislatif laki-laki, namun juga anggota legislatif yang perempuan.

Perspektif Jender dalam Legislasi

Perspektif jender perlu ada dalam semua pembahasan RUU. Anggota legislatif harus memikirkan dampak dari suatu RUU terhadap kelompok perempuan. Misalnya saja, pada pembahasan RUU Praktik Kedokteran. Usulan untuk mengesampingkan prinsip kerahasiaan pasien bila dokter mengetahui adanya kasus KDRT yang menimpa pasiennya ditolak. Tentu saja hal ini berpengaruh terhadap jaminan perlindungan terhadap perempuan yang menjadi korban tindak kekerasan.

Perempuan juga sering dijadikan penyebab dari suatu masalah sosial, hingga pendekatan yang diambil dalam mengatasinya justru mengkriminalisasi perempuan. Sebagai contoh, RUU Pornografi yang merupakan bentuk kriminalisasi "aksi-aksi" porno dan secara implisit menimpakan kesalahan tersebut kepada kaum perempuan. Kontan saja, RUU Pornografi ini mendapatkan protes keras dari kalangan aktivis perempuan. Hal ini terjadi karena tidak adanya pemahaman mengenai masalah perempuan dari anggota legislatif. Oleh karena itu, persoalan representasi dan partisipasi perempuan menjadi sangat signifikan, demi menghindari problem-problem seperti ini.

Representasi Perempuan di Parlemen

Representasi perempuan di parlemen bisa dikatakan menyedihkan. Data menunjukkan adanya penurunan jumlah representasi perempuan dalam parlemen. Dari 500 anggota parlemen, representasi 11,4% pada Pemilu 1997 menurun menjadi 8,9% pada pemilu 1999. Jumlah ini bahkan lebih kecil di DPRD tingkat Provinsi dan Kabupaten/Kota. Pada pelantikan anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) periode 2004-2009 pada awal Oktober lalu menunjukkan 41 perempuan dari 547 orang anggota DPR atau sekitar 7,49%. Meski begitu, mesti dicatat pula bahwa di masa Orde Baru, banyak perempuan yang duduk di parlemen sebagai hadiah bagi jabatan-jabatan politik suami atau kerabatnya. Misalnya saja istri dan anak perempuan Wiranto yang pada tahun 1997 menjadi anggota MPR. Perempuan yang duduk di parlemen pada masa itu dengan alasan seperti ini, tentunya tidak membawa dampak signifikan pada kebijakan yang berpihak pada perempuan.

Namun bagaimanapun, akses perempuan dalam parlemen harus dibuka lebar. Masalahnya, sedari awal perempuan sudah sangat sulit untuk terjun ke dunia politik. Tentangan yang besar biasanya muncul dari anggapan bahwa dunia politik adalah dunia laki-laki. Belum lagi ketika mereka harus bersaing dengan politisi laki-laki yang sudah diuntungkan dengan sistem dan pola kerja yang tidak "ramah" terhadap perempuan seperti rapat-rapat yang tak kenal waktu, sementara "peran tradisional" perempuan sebagai ibu rumah tangga dituntut untuk tetap dijalankan. Akibatnya, mereka harus berperan ganda dan punya tantangan yang lebih besar untuk maju di dunia politik.

Karena itu, untuk dapat mendorong peran politik perempuan, negara berkewajiban memberikan jaminan terhadap akses perempuan untuk berpartisipasi dalam institusi pengambil kebijakan.

Tuntutan terhadap partisipasi politik perempuan di Indonesia sendiri sebenarnya sudah dimulai jauh sebelum kemerdekaan. Isu ini secara formal telah dibahas pada Kongres Perempuan Indonesia V Tahun 1938 di kota Bandung (R. Valentina: Pikiran Rakyat). Sejak momen tersebut kebutuhan dibukanya akses perempuan dalam ranah politik menjadi agenda yang mendesak untuk diperjuangkan.

Persoalan keterwakilan perempuan ini juga disinggung dalam UU No. 39 Tahun 1999 pada Pasal 46 yang menyebutkan: "Sistem pemilihan umum, kepartaian, pemilihan anggota badan legislatif dan sistem pengangkatan di bidang eksekutif dan yudikatif harus menjamin keterwakilan wanita sesuai persyaratan yang ditentukan." Namun, sekadar menyadari perlunya keterwakilan politik perempuan dirasa belum cukup jika tidak ada langkah strategis untuk mewujudkannya.

Untuk mempercepat proses tersebut perlu diambil langkah yang bersifat affirmative action, yaitu tindakan khusus sementara yang diambil untuk mempercepat peningkatan persamaan antara laki-laki dan perempuan di parlemen. Tujuannya untuk memberi stimulus yang mempercepat proses perubahan, yang menyamakan posisi perempuan dalam suatu playing field yang tidak seimbang. Ibaratnya, laki-laki telah berlari duluan sementara perempuan baru mengambil posisi start, seperti dibahas di atas.

Affirmative action untuk mengakselerasi representasi perempuan di parlemen diambil dengan menetapkan kuota 30% bagi keterwakilan perempuan yang diatur dalam Pasal 65 ayat (1) UU No. 12/2003 tentang Pemilihan Umum. Ketentuan tersebut berbunyi:

"Setiap Partai Politik peserta Pemilu dapat mengajukan calon anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota untuk setiap daerah Pemilihan dengan memperhatikan keterwakilan perempuan sekurang-kurangnya 30%".

Tindakan ini merupakan bentuk diskriminasi positif yang berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip perlindungan HAM serta dijamin dalam UUD dan UU No. 7 Tahun 1984 yang meratifikasi Convention on The Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

Tindakan affirmative action dengan adanya kuota bukanlah hal yang baru. Negara-negara lain juga telah menetapkan sejumlah kuota bagi perempuan yang dijamin dalam konstitusinya. Bahkan di negara-negara maju, jumlah kuota tersebut lebih besar di atas 30%. Sebagai contoh di negara-negara Skandinavia, kuota perempuan di Swedia 42%, Denmark 38%, dan Norwegia 36%. Adanya kuota tersebut merupakan suatu keharusan dan tidak bisa diartikan sebagai bentuk belas kasihan atau tuntutan mengemis kaum perempuan. Sebab penelitian menunjukkan, untuk dapat mempengaruhi kebijakan secara substansial, perlu ada representasi minimal 30% dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan. Padahal, seperti diungkap di atas, penting sekali untuk mempunyai legislasi yang berperspektif jender.

Kuota Saja Tidak Akan Menyelesaikan Masalah

Namun permasalahannya tentu tidak semudah itu. Partisipasi politik perempuan tidak bisa diselesaikan hanya dengan adanya sistem kuota. Apalagi, Pasal 65 ayat (1) UU Pemilu tersebut hanya menyebutkan kata "dapat." Sehingga dimasukkannya kuota 30% bagi partai politik bukanlah keharusan.

Perlu ada tindakan pendukung yang mendorong pemenuhan kuota tersebut, yang dimulai sejak proses pencalonan di dalam partai politik itu sendiri. Sebab, pada kenyataannya pelaksanaan kuota masih jauh dari yang diharapkan. Terbukti, berdasarkan pernyataan KPU, tidak ada partai politik peserta Pemilu 2004 yang berhasil memenuhi kuota 30% tersebut pada seluruh daerah pemilihan. Dari sekitar 89 daerah pemilihan, partai-partai politik hanya mampu secara maksimal memenuhi kuota di 40 daerah pemilihan (Pikiran Rakyat: 10 Maret 2004)

Persoalan di atas terjadi karena beberapa hal. Pertama, Pasal 65 ayat (1) UU Pemilu sifatnya masih berupa imbauan, tidak mengikat. Hal ini terlihat dengan tidak adanya sanksi bila kuota tersebut tidak dipenuhi oleh partai politik. Kedua, calon anggota legislatif perempuan masih ditempatkan pada urutan nomor sepatu dalam daftar pencalonan. Dengan sistem pemilu "proporsional dengan daftar terbuka setengah hati" yang lebih mengedepankan nomor urut, calon anggota legislatif perempuan sering hanya dijadikan penarik suara pemilih (vote getter). Ketiga, akses partisipasi kader-kader politik perempuan dalam partai politik perlu dibuka lebar. Termasuk bagaimana menciptakan calon anggota legislatif perempuan yang berkualitas, yang memiliki program-program yang bagus dalam memperjuangkan kepentingan perempuan di parlemen. Keempat, pendidikan politik masih rendah di kalangan perempuan untuk berpartisipasi dalam perjuangan kepentingan kaum perempuan. Perlu adanya sosialisasi di kalangan pemilih perempuan bagaimana memilih partai politik maupun calon anggota legislatif yang memiliki program pemberdayaan perempuan serta memiliki keberpihakan terhadap perempuan.

***

Upaya menciptakan produk legislasi yang memperhatikan kepentingan perempuan, keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen serta lingkungan politik yang ramah perempuan, menyisakan begitu banyak pekerjaan rumah. Adanya komitmen dari semua pihak yang terkait, jaminan negara terhadap hak perempuan dalam politik serta kebijakan partai politik untuk mendorong kader-kader perempuannya dalam mengimplementasikan kuota 30% adalah beberapa di antaranya. Selain itu, perlu pemberdayaan terhadap kaum perempuan itu sendiri, para pemilih perempuan dan terutama 41 orang anggota legislatif perempuan yang saat ini berada di DPR. Dengan demikian diharapkan pada masa yang akan datang dapat muncul adanya produk-produk legislasi yang memperhatikan kepentingan perempuan. Semoga! (HSN/ES/BS)